俄乌局势进展：聚焦顿巴斯
A resident pushes a shopping cart in the street in Mariupol, April 16, 2022. /CFP
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乌克兰的危机令人痛心。流血冲突多持续一分钟，四千三百万乌克兰人民就多受一分苦难。尽快结束这场谁都不愿看到的冲突，是当前的重中之重。
The Ukraine crisis is agonizing. One more minute the conflict lasts means one more hardship for the 43 million Ukrainian people. To end this unwanted conflict as soon as possible is more important than everything else.
中国历来热爱和平、反对战争，倡导维护国际法和公认的国际关系基本准则，主张尊重包括乌克兰在内的世界各国主权和领土完整。中国支持一切有利于停火止战和缓和人道主义危机的努力，并将继续为劝和促谈发挥建设性作用。
China loves peace and opposes war. It advocates upholding international law and universally recognized norms governing international relations and respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries, including Ukraine. China supports all efforts that can deliver a ceasefire and relieve the humanitarian crisis on the ground, and will continue to play a constructive role toward this end.
痛定思痛，我们必须严肃思考这场危机给世界带来的改变以及危机后我们要走的道路。
Lessons must be learned. While working to end this conflict, we must also give some serious thought to the changes brought by the crisis and the path forward in its aftermath.
二战后国际体系正承受着冷战结束以来最沉重的压力。百年一遇的疫情，乌克兰危机以及随之而来的空前规模制裁，历史性的通胀和经济陷入衰退的前景，使国际体系“锅炉”的压力警报频繁响起，需要我们共同为命运与共的世界减压，而不是加压。
The postwar international system is coming under the heaviest pressure since the Cold War. The once-in-a-century pandemic, the Ukraine crisis and the unparalleled sanctions, the spiraling inflation and a looming recession, all these have sounded the alarm for the “boiler” of the international system. It is high time for us to reduce the pressure, not the other way round, for our shared world.
欧洲是乌克兰危机中承压最重之地。对欧洲稳定繁荣的预期似乎一夜逆转，取而代之的是巨大不确定性。要扭转这种预期，既要停火止战，更要找到危机后欧洲长治久安的根本出路，探讨构建平衡、有效、可持续的欧洲安全新理念与新架构。
Europe is the focus of all the pressure in the crisis. Its prospects of stability and prosperity were apparently damaged overnight and replaced by huge uncertainties. To reverse this situation, there must be not only an end to this war, but also a fundamental answer to lasting peace and stability in Europe, and a balanced, effective, and sustainable philosophy and architecture for its security.
反思近30多年来欧亚大陆两端安全形势截然相反的演变，有助于看清未来欧洲乃至世界的安全路在何方。冷战后，当欧洲走上以北约东扩寻求安全之路时，大陆东端，中国与俄罗斯、中亚国家创建了没有先例可循的五方会谈机制，开启了对新型安全理念与道路的探索。1996年，就在克林顿总统在底特律首次宣布北约东扩时间表的同年，中国、俄罗斯、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯、塔吉克斯坦5国在上海签署了《关于在边境地区加强军事领域信任的协定》，彻底解决了中国同原苏联国家的边境问题，结束了中苏边境陈兵百万的历史，奠定了后来上海合作组织的基石，互信、互利、平等、协商、尊重多样文明、谋求共同发展的原则成为“上海精神”的内核，实现了中国与俄罗斯、中亚国家长期睦邻友好和共同安宁。历史告诉我们，不同的选择将结出不同的果实。
The contrasting shifts over the thirty years on the two ends of the Eurasian continent should shed some light on how security can be ensured for Europe and the world. After the Cold War, when Europe chose to use NATO’s eastward expansion to preserve security, on the other side of the continent, China, Russia, and Central Asian countries initiated the Shanghai Five mechanism, in an unprecedented exploration of a new security philosophy and model. In 1996, when President Bill Clinton for the first time announced a timetable for NATO enlargement in Detroit, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan signed the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions, resolving China’s boundary issues with former Soviet Union countries once and for all and putting an end to military standoff along the China-Soviet Union border. The cornerstone of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has thus been laid, and the “Shanghai spirit,” i.e., mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for cultural diversity, and pursuit of common development, has been established. As such, neighborly friendship and common peace have prevailed among China, Russia, and Central Asian countries. As is shown by history, different choices lead to different outcomes.
乌克兰危机下的美俄、美中关系，也走到了关键十字路口。苏联解体后，美国和中国在1992年分别接待了俄罗斯总统叶利钦首次访问，同俄罗斯确立了“互不敌对”关系。当时的美俄、中俄关系，站在同一个起点上。30年后，中俄关系取得长足发展，但不结盟、不对抗、不针对第三方的性质没有变化。中国过去是、将来也是独立自主的大国，始终坚持从事情的是非曲直出发作出判断、决定立场，不受任何外来压力干扰。所谓中方事先知情俄方对乌军事行动以及中方向俄方提供军事援助都是虚假信息。类似俄乌冲突的事件如果发生在其他地方、其他国家之间，中国也会持今天这样的立场。而30年后的美俄关系，却滑向了“新冷战”。这样的美俄关系不符合中美俄三方任何一方的利益，是中方不愿意看到的。道理很简单，让美俄关系更坏不会让中美关系更好，让中俄关系变坏也不会让美俄关系变好。把中美关系搞砸了，对美俄关系、对世界都没有好处。
The unfolding Ukraine crisis has also put America’s relations with both Russia and China to new tests. In 1992 when Russian President Boris Yeltsin paid his first visits to the United States and China following the Soviet disintegration, the countries agreed not to regard each other as adversaries, which basically put Russia’s bilateral relations with the United States and China on the same level. Over the past thirty years, the China-Russia relationship has made great progress, but it is still based on non-alliance, non-confrontation, and non-targeting of third countries. China has been and will remain an independent country that decides its position according to the merits of each matter, immune from external pressure or interference. The claims about China’s prior knowledge of Russia’s military action or China providing military aid to Russia are pure disinformation. Had similar conflicts happened in other places or between other countries, China’s position would be no different. At the same time, U.S.-Russia relations are sliding into a new Cold War, which is not in the interest of either China, the United States, or Russia, and is not what China wants to see. After all, a worse Russia-U.S. relationship does not mean a better China-U.S. relationship, and likewise, a worse China-Russia relationship does not mean a better U.S.-Russia relationship, either. More importantly, if the China-U.S. relationship is messed up, that does not augur well for Russia-U.S. relations or the world.
更令人忧虑的是，当危机来临时，仍然有人对中国挥舞制裁大棒，企图逼迫中国放弃独立自主的和平外交方针选边站队；有人炮制“中俄轴心论”，极其危险地曲解中俄关系，无端让中国为乌克兰危机负责；有人把台湾问题和乌克兰危机联系起来，渲染台海冲突风险；有人不顾乌克兰危机警示，在亚太地区制造隔阂、对立和不安全，企图让亚太重走欧洲的老路。这些言行对解决乌克兰危机没有任何好处，对稳定中美关系没有任何好处。把中美俄、欧洲、亚太和世界“都拖下水”，对我们的子孙后代没有任何好处。
Disturbingly, as the crisis continues, some people are wielding the stick of sanctions against China to coerce the renunciation of its independent foreign policy of peace. Some are clamoring about a “Beijing-Moscow Axis” in a dangerous misinterpretation of China-Russia relations, asking China to bear responsibility for the crisis. Some are linking Taiwan to Ukraine and playing up the risks of a conflict across the Taiwan Strait. Still others, for all the lessons that should be learned, are fanning up misunderstanding, confrontation, and insecurity in Asia-Pacific, without a modicum of care if this region might follow in the footsteps of Europe. These words and actions are not helpful to resolving the crisis or ensuring the stability of China-U.S. relations. Dragging everyone down does no good to our future generations.
乌克兰曾是二战后国际体系起步之地。70多年后，乌克兰的命运再次同世界的命运息息相关。也许我们暂时还不能就想要一个什么样的国际体系达成一致，但在“两度身历惨不堪言之战祸”并有过40年相互隔绝的不堪回首经历之后，我们至少应意识到，人类是休戚与共的命运共同体，任何一个国家或国家集团都不可能不顾别国的安全而谋求自身的绝对安全。没有尊重、信任、包容与合作，这个世界将永无宁日。危机过后，世界不需要也承受不起一场新的冷战。
Ukraine knows best how the postwar international system was all built. Over seventy years later today, its future is again closely linked with that of the world. Though we are not able to reach consensus, for the moment, on what kind of international system we want, last century’s “scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind,” and the following four decades of estrangement should enlighten us that we all live in a shared world with a shared future. It is out of the question for any country or country bloc to have absolute security while ignoring other countries’ security. Without respect, trust, mutual accommodation, and cooperation, the world would never be peaceful. It does not need and cannot afford another Cold War in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis.
中美两国不仅应当在应对全球气候变暖中开展平等互利的合作，更应当在应对国际政治气候变冷中积极寻求最大限度的共识。对危机认知的差异，不应成为无端指责和施压的理由，不应干扰中美为走出乌克兰危机作出努力。我本人同美方同事保持着密切沟通。同时，中、美有理由把眼光放得更远，就危机之外与危机之后展开务实、建设性对话、协调与合作，推动实现各方都能接受的欧洲长治久安之策，妥善解决其他全球热点问题，与国际社会携手预防和应对乌克兰危机给全球经济贸易、金融、能源、粮食、产业链、供应链等带来的严重冲击，确保各国经济民生不受影响。当今的国际体系并不完美，需要与时俱进，不断完善，在这一进程中，中国是维护者、建设者，不是破坏者、颠覆者。使中美18亿人民和世界78亿人民共享持久和平、普遍安全与共同繁荣，这是中美作为两个大国共同担负的历史责任。
China and the United States should not only work together to tackle the warming of the global climate, but also seek maximum common ground in addressing the cooling of the international political climate. Differences in perception of the crisis do not justify groundless accusations or pressure and should not hinder our joint efforts to end the crisis. I have been staying in close communication with American colleagues on it. At the same time, China and the United States should take a long-term view and have pragmatic and constructive dialogue, coordination, and cooperation for what comes our way outside and after the crisis. In this way, we can bring about an arrangement for lasting peace and stability in Europe acceptable to all parties; properly resolve other global hotspots; prevent and address the crisis’ impact on the global economy and trade, finance, energy, food, and industrial and supply chains; and minimize the losses for the economy and people’s livelihood. The current international system is not perfect. It needs to make progress with the times, and China is committed to supporting and contributing to this process, not undercutting or wrecking it. In the final analysis, our shared goal is lasting peace, universal security, and common prosperity for the 1.8 billion Chinese and American people and the 7.8 billion world population. This is the historical responsibility for China and the United States as two major countries.
CGTN记者探访基辅地区 | 冲突按下暂停键，归家之期不可及